The Liberal Democrats’ conference in Brighton is an opportunity to
celebrate the party’s best result in terms of MPs elected for more than 100
years. Understandably, few enough of those gathering here are reflecting on
this also being the anniversary of the publication of the
Orange Book.* Why revisit painful memories?
Being the curmudgeon that I am, though, I have found myself reflecting on
this mostly forgotten anniversary. In an ideal world I might have spent time
preparing a carefully researched paper on the impact of the
Orange Book on Liberal Democrat politics, but procrastination and
other commitments got in the way. So what follows is more a personal
reflection with an element of justification for why I am somewhat immune
from the euphoria about the Lib Dem revival of 2024.
For those not familiar with the intricacies of Lib Dem internal politics,
the publication 20 years ago of the Orange Book, a collection of
essays by prominent Liberal Democrats, triggered the nearest the party has
come in recent decades to outright factionalism - between ‘economic
liberals’ or Orange Bookers and ‘social liberals’, especially during the
years leading up to the formation of the coalition government in 2010.
There are many reasons why Lib Dems might prefer it not to be mentioned.
Those who wrote chapters or at some level welcomed its renewed call for
economic liberalism, and who remain active in the party, may feel
embarrassed about any association with its the subsequent trajectory of its
co-editor and driving force, Sir Paul Marshall, who went on to become a
Brexiteer, Tory donor, GB News investor and now as
new owner of the Spectator.
This seems to vindicate those who saw it as a kind of neo-Thatcherite
Trojan horse within the party. The left of the party will probably not wish
to waste time trampling on its grave and as we all unite in celebrating
revival and success why would anyone want to revive memories of past
factionalising?
Its original launch before the 2004 conference was cancelled, primarily it
seemed because David Laws, then a high profile front bench MP, had written a
chapter advocating public health insurance, which was directly at odds with
party policy. This might have been less of a problem at the start of a new
parliament when the party might reasonably have been openly debating its
future, but was ill-advised in the last autumn conference before a likely
general election. It also appeared that other contributors hadn’t seen the
chapter and didn’t agree with it.
The irony was, given the way the title was adopted as shorthand for a
revisionist, free-market versiono of Liberalism, that much of the book was
quite mainstream. David Laws’ introduction, which made a case for personal
and economic, alongside political and social, liberalism, was controversial,
as was Vince Cable’s chapter on liberal economics, ironically given his
later status as the left-wing conscience of the coalition. Mark Oaten, also
a bĂŞte noir of the party’s radical/activist/left wing, wrote a fairly
anodyne chapter on crime albeit with the provocative title ‘Tough
Liberalism’, but the other contributors, Susan Kramer, Chris Huhne, Ed Davey
were hardly apostles of iconoclastic revisionism. And Steve Webb’s chapter
on family policy appeared positively
Fabian.
>While I remember its publication as provoking a fiercely hostile reaction
from much of the party, I was surprised to download the
relevant edition of Liberator magazine (No. 298)
to find a range of reactions and comments, including an article by David
Laws himself. Even that scourge of ‘the right’, the late Simon Titley, was
quite measured in his criticism, commenting that it ‘may spark a serious
debate’ even if he then concluded the the book was part of an internal Lib
Dem putsch and ‘more of a lemon’ than an orange.
It did, though, spark debate. There were two sort-of ripostes in the form
of Liberator’s collection of essays Liberalism: something to shout about and Reinventing the State
edited by Duncan Brack, Richard S Grayson and David Howarth. (Grayson was
to join the Labour party during the coalition years). Two of the latter’s
contributors had also written chapters in the Orange Book. The Institute
for Public Policy Research (IPPR) published
Beyond liberty: is the future of liberalism progressive?, with contributions by journalists, academics and leading Lib Dems,
including some who had contributed to other volumes. Unsurprisingly given
the IPPR’s historic closeness to the Labour party it appeared to be if
anything pushing the Lib Dems in a Blairite direction. There was also the
rather pedestrian Britain after Blair from the Orange Book
stable.
Yet the arrival of the coalition made it all irrelevant. While the decision
to go into government with the Conservatives may be seen as the culmination
of an Orange Book project, there were plenty of people from the left of the
party who were willing to participate in and support the coalition,
relatively few high-profile defections and none among MPs. Despite
unhappiness about austerity and individual measures of the coalition, few
seemed to argue that we shouldn’t have entered into it.
The years after the 2015 debacle were a fight for survival with debates
about political philosophy more or less irrelevant. While the Brexit
referendum vote was catastrophic of itself, it did seem to give the Liberal
Democrats a new sense of purpose as the one consistently pro-European party.
And while the 2019 campaign ended in disaster, it did at least tee up some
promising second places, which created a platform for the success of
2024.
Yet if this year’s general election saw an electoral revival for the
Liberal Democrats, it hardly marked any kind of Liberal intellectual
renaissance. There has been no recent wave of publications by leading party figures
setting out their worldview. We still have the Social Liberal Forum and
Liberal Reform as ginger groups in the party representing rival views on
the merits of economic liberalism, but one could hardly describe the party
as a ferment of ideas just now.
Instead the Liberal Democrats have ended as a party not much different from
Labour in outlook, but which for reasons of history, demography and current
local strength holds the ‘main alternative to the Tories’ franchise in
certain constituencies, enabling it to win seats when the Tories are at a
low ebb.
All of which, to get back to the Orange Book, suggests to me that
ideological and intellectual disputations count for very little in
determining the party’s electoral fortunes. We struggle to obtain much
media coverage anyway or to get any detailed understanding of our
policies. So it seems to be enough for the Liberal Democrats to appear a
bit like Labour but a little less tribal or political to that we appear a
safe alternative to vote for and can boost our parliamentary
representation in a bad Tory year. Which is fine but as a political raison d’ĂŞtre hardly
inspiring.
While there are a few different reasons I give for joining the then Liberal
party back in 1985, one is being inspired by a Jo Grimond article in which
he argued that while the free market was more successful than socialism at
delivering economic growth, it produced unequal outcomes and the challenge
for Liberalism was to find ways of redressing that balance. Which sounded
like something I could sign up to and so I joined the Liberals hoping to
find a lively intellectual debate going on about this.
In fact by that stage Grimond was regarded by Liberals as having gone a bit
eccentric and right-wing in his old age and that conversation was not
happening. Yet debate about how the Liberal Democrats can offer something
distinctive has occasionally threatened to break out and the publication of
the Orange Book was one of those occasions. It seemed positive that books
were being published, ideas debated. But sadly not now and the Liberal
Democrats appear to have reverted to being (to borrow a phrase I vaguely
remember hearing Nick Clegg use once upon a time) a collection of
left-of-centre people who for one reason or another don’t like the Labour
party.
So while it’s great that the Liberal Democrats have their highest number of
MPs in over a century and thereby helped to deliver a richly deserved
drubbing to a destructive Conservative government, I can’t help wishing that
the party had something more distinctive to offer than simply being a
vehicle for beating the Tories in areas Labour don’t seem able to
reach.
*Although David Laws did wryly mention it at the Liberal Democrat
History Group fringe meeting today.